Eurozone and UK April money numbers signal rising recession risk and suggest that policy-makers should be considering easing not tightening.

Three-month annualised growth of Eurozone narrow money – as measured by non-financial M1 – slumped from 5.3% to 1.5% between January and April. UK growth fell from 3.8% to 0.7% over the same period, with a large contraction in April alone.

The nominal slowdowns compound a squeeze on real money from consumer price acceleration due to the Gulf War III supply shock. Six-month momentum of real narrow money fell to zero in the UK in April while turning negative in the Eurozone – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing Real Narrow Money (% 6m)

Real money contractions have been a recession warning signal historically. An obvious push-back is that much greater weakness in 2022-23 was not reflected in a subsequent economic slump. Negative momentum was a misleading indicator of monetary conditions then because of a large overhang from the 2020-21 money growth surge. There is no such overhang now, so dismissing current weakness on the basis of that experience is dangerous.

Broad money trends are also worrying, with nominal growth of only 3.5% and 3.6% annualised respectively in Eurozone non-financial M3 and UK non-financial M4 in the three months to April. US broad money, by contrast, expanded at a 7.6% pace over the same period (M2+ measure).

Globally, six-month real narrow money momentum fell for a second month in April, supporting the forecast of a fall in manufacturing PMI new orders during H2 – chart 2.

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing Global Manufacturing PMI New Orders & G7 + E7 Real Narrow Money (% 6m)

The ECB and Bank of England have signalled an expectation of policy tightening, while the latest Fed statement maintained an easing bias. Economic / monetary conditions argue for the opposite relative positions.

Eurozone core inflation is lower than in the US, labour market indicators softer, money growth slower and credit conditions weaker. The UK resembles the Eurozone in most of these respects.

Last week’s ECB bank lending survey signalled tighter credit standards and notably weaker loan demand – see previous post and chart 1. The corresponding Fed survey this week, by contrast, shows little change from last quarter – chart 2. (Note that the Fed survey asks about current conditions, while the ECB survey additionally canvasses expectations.)

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing Eurozone ECB Bank Lending Survey Credit Demand & Supply Indicators* *Average of Balances across Loan Categories

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing US Fed Senior Loan Officer Survey Credit Demand & Supply Indicators* *Average of Balances across Loan Categories

The last Bank of England credit conditions survey, released on 9 April, was benign but partly pre-dated Gulf hostilities.

US annual broad money growth – as measured by “M2+”* – was 5.9% in March versus an increase of 3.3% in both Eurozone non-financial M3 and UK non-financial M4 – chart 3.

Chart 3

Chart 3 showing Broad Money (% yoy)

US annual core PCE inflation rose to 3.2% in March versus a Eurozone core CPI increase of 2.2% in both March and April. UK core CPI inflation was 3.1% in March but the number still incorporates a boost from large rises in water bills and vehicle excise duty last April – the policy-adjusted measure calculated here was 2.7%.

The US trimmed mean PCE inflation measure preferred by incoming Fed Chair Warsh was 2.4% in March but there are no Eurozone / UK numbers for comparison. The calculation excludes 31% and 24% respectively of the top and bottom “tails” of the distribution, i.e. included items have a combined weight of only 45%.

Labour demand is weaker in the Eurozone / UK than the US, with Indeed job postings making new lows versus US stability – chart 4.

Chart 4

Chart 4 showing Indeed Job Postings (1 February 2020 = 100)

Unemployment expectations have picked up in the EU Commission consumer survey, suggesting a rise in the official jobless rate – chart 5.

Chart 5

Chart 5 showing Eurozone Unemployment Rate (6m change) & Consumer Survey Unemployment Expectations

The Fed model used here predicts policy direction based on current and lagged values of annual core PCE inflation, the unemployment rate and the ISM manufacturing delivery delays index. A rise in the latter has pushed the model estimate further into the tightening zone – chart 6.

Chart 6

Chart 6 showing US Fed Funds Rate & Fed Policy Direction Probability Indicator

*M2+ adds large time deposits at commercial banks and institutional money funds to the official M2 measure.

The Gulf War III mortgage rate shock may be the trigger for the long-term housing cycle to enter its “bust” phase.

The driving variable of the cycle is demand for new and existing homes. This is reflected in turnover and has secondary impacts on new construction and prices. Prices usually lag volume gauges of the cycle.

The UK cycle can be traced back in various indicators to the early 18th century (at least) – see chart 1. Official statistics on turnover – property transactions – start in 1959. Turnover is closely correlated with the number of approved or actual loans for house purchase, data for which begin in the interwar period. To go back further, it is necessary to rely on completions data, a regional (Middlesex) series on registrations of property deeds and an indirect gauge, imports of timber, for the earliest years.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing UK Housing Cycle Selected Indicators of Activity, Rebased, Log Scale

The dates in the chart are suggested timings of housing cycle lows. Based on these dates, there were 16 complete cycles, measured from low to low, over the 298 years between 1711 and 2009, implying an average cycle length of 18.6 years.

The two cycle downswings in the first half of the 20th century were magnified and extended by the World Wars – it is reasonable to assume that the lows would otherwise have occurred several years earlier.

The three completed cycles since WW2 were of similar length – 18, 18 and 17 years respectively. If the current cycle were to conform to the 18.6-year long-term average, another low would be reached in 2027-2028.

Chart 2 shows higher-frequency data on property transactions and mortgage approvals. The peak of the current cycle, in 2021, occurred earlier than in the prior two, as pandemic-related policy stimulus pulled forward demand. Activity corrected sharply in 2022-23 as interest rates rose but staged a partial recovery in 2024-25. This appears to have ended, with mortgage approvals easing to a 23-month low in January.

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing UK Property Transactions & Mortgage Approvals (000s)

The new buyer enquiries component of the RICS housing survey is correlated with the annual rate of change of mortgage approvals – chart 3. Buyer demand is likely to weaken in response to the mortgage rate shock, suggesting a further / faster decline in approvals.

Chart 3

Chart 3 showing UK Mortgage Approvals for House Purchase (yoy change, 000s) & RICS Housing Survey New Buyer Enquiries

The rate of change of approvals, in turn, leads the rate of change of annual house price inflation – chart 4. Falling approvals suggest that annual price momentum – 1.4% in January, according to the ONS index – will slow further, probably turning negative.

Chart 4

Chart 4 showing UK House Price Acceleration (yoy change in % yoy) & Mortgage Approvals for House Purchase (yoy change, 000s)

Housebuilding stocks are behaving consistently with the onset of the bust phase of the cycle, recently breaking below their 2022 trough to reach the lowest level since 2013 – chart 5.

Chart 5

Chart 5 showing UK Property Transactions (000s) & Home Construction Stocks

The Gulf War III energy shock has been compounded by a dramatic repricing of interest rate expectations, partly reflecting hawkish central bank communications, particularly from the ECB and Bank of England.

The central banks fear a repeat of the inflation upsurge around the Russian invasion of Ukraine, their accepted wisdom being that higher energy prices destabilised inflation expectations, resulting in significant “second-round” effects.

The “monetarist” view is that the impact of a shock on price- and wage-setting depends on the prevailing monetary environment. The Russia-Ukraine shock generated large second-round effects because it occurred against a backdrop of strong money growth. Eurozone and UK broad money – as measured by non-financial M3 and M4 – rose by 9.1% and 10.5% annualised respectively in the preceding two years – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing Brent Oil Price ($ / bbl) & Eurozone / UK Broad Money (% 2y annualised)

The latest two-year growth rates, by contrast, are 3.2% and 3.9%, with little sign of acceleration in shorter-term data. Money to nominal GDP ratios have returned to around end-2019 levels. Unlike in 2022, there is no monetary “excess” to accommodate a sustained inflation rise.

Policy tightening against this backdrop would likely result in much more serious economic weakness than in 2022-23, with attendant risk of a medium-term inflation undershoot.

One caveat to a relaxed view of second-round effects is that political pressure to respond to a new cost-of-living shock could trigger a fiscal / funding crisis, forcing a return to QE that results in another money growth surge. Still, the suspension of central bank independence implied by such a scenario will be more likely if officials compound their 2021-22 policy error by making the opposite mistake now.

Eurozone and UK money trends have shown disappointingly small responses to policy easing, suggesting that rates remain in restrictive territory and casting doubt on hopes of stronger economic growth.

The preferred monetary aggregates here are “non-financial”, covering households and non-financial corporations. Money holdings of financial institutions are volatile and less informative about near-term economic prospects.

A recovery in six-month growth rates of Eurozone narrow and broad money stalled in early 2025 despite the ECB continuing to cut rates through June, with both well below pre-pandemic averages – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing Eurozone Narrow / Broad Money (% 6m annualised)

The UK profile is different. The laggardly pace of rate cuts appears to have contributed to a relapse in growth rates in H1 2025 but these recovered into November, moving sideways in December – chart 2.

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing UK Narrow / Broad Money (% 6m annualised)

While suggesting UK relative improvement, narrow money expansion remains beneath its pre-pandemic average (and the Eurozone level), with annual broad money growth a below-par 3.8% (versus 2.7% in the Eurozone).

One reason for the disappointing responses is that policy rate cuts have yet to translate into a decline in longer-term yields. Relatedly, UK QT has been a significant and unnecessary drag.

A hopeful scenario is that low inflation implied by weak broad money trends will allow longer-term yields to subside. Still, additional policy adjustment will likely also be required to generate a monetary response sufficient to warrant economic optimism.

A measure of UK annual core CPI inflation excluding direct policy effects fell further to 2.6% in November, the lowest since July 2021 – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing UK Consumer Prices (% yoy)

The measure adjusts for the imposition of VAT on school fees and bumper one-off rises in water bills and vehicle excise duty. It does not strip out the indirect impact of government actions, including national insurance and minimum wage rises.

Indirect policy effects continue to fade from shorter-term rates of change. The adjusted core measure rose at a 1.9% annualised pace in the three months to November from the previous three months, and by 1.8% between August and November – chart 2.

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing UK Adjusted Core Consumer Prices* *Core ex Education, Changes in VAT, Help Out to Eat Out (2020), Water Bills (2025) & Vehicle Excise Duty (2025)

Favourable news, on the “monetarist” view, reflects the lagged impact of persistent monetary weakness.

Broad money – as measured by non-financial M4 – rose by an average 2.6% pa in the four years to October. Simple monetarism suggests that 4-5% growth is needed to support 2% inflation and trend economic expansion of about 1.5% pa, allowing for a trend velocity decline.

The rule of thumb is that money trends feed through to inflation with a roughly two-year lag. As previously documented, the median lead time with respect to core inflation in the UK has been longer, at about 2.5 years.

Transmission may have been further delayed on this occasion by 1) a monetary overhang from the 2020 money growth surge and 2) cost-push pressures from government policies.

A post last month suggested that annual CPI inflation would fall to c.2.25% in Q2 2026 (versus a November Bank forecast of 2.9%) and return to target during H2. Budget measures warrant a lowered profile. Inflation is now expected to reach 2.0% in Q2 and undershoot in H2.

Annual broad money growth remains weak (3.3%), so low inflation is likely to be sustained through 2027 barring an external shock or exchange rate collapse.

A slowdown in food, alcohol and tobacco accounted for half of the drop in annual CPI inflation between October and November. The previous post suggested that UK food inflation would break lower in 2026, based partly on an unusually wide UK / Eurozone gap. The differential remains at 2.2 pp (4.0% versus 1.8%), having been negative on average over 2015-19 – chart 3.

Chart 3

Chart 3 showing UK & Eurozone CPI Food (% yoy)

A measure of UK annual core CPI inflation excluding direct policy effects fell further to 2.8% in October, the lowest since August 2021 – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing UK Consumer Prices (% yoy)

The measure adjusts for the imposition of VAT on school fees and bumper one-off rises in water bills and vehicle excise duty. It does not strip out the indirect impact of government actions, including national insurance and minimum wage rises and new packaging waste fees. The NI increase alone may have boosted annual core inflation by 0.25 pp, based on projections in the February Monetary Policy Report.

Policy effects are fading from shorter-term rates of change. The adjusted core measure rose at a 2.5% annualised pace in the three months to October from the previous three months, and by 1.9% between July and October – chart 2.

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing UK Adjusted Core Consumer Prices* *Core ex Education, Changes in VAT, Help Out to Eat Out (2020), Water Bills (2025) & Vehicle Excise Duty (2025)

The core slowdown is consistent with lagged monetary trends, which suggest further deceleration in H1 2026.

Lows in annual broad money growth preceded lows in adjusted core inflation with mean and median lags of 26 and 29 months respectively since WW2. Money growth bottomed in October 2023, suggesting an inflation low between December 2025 and March 2026 – chart 3.

Chart 3

Chart 3 showing UK Core Consumer / Retail Prices & Broad Money (% yoy)

The indirect policy effects cited above may have delayed transmission, raising the possibility of a longer-than-average lag on this occasion.

Money growth, moreover, has remained weak since 2023, suggesting that low core inflation will be sustained into 2027, at least.

Beyond core, food inflation has remained sticky but could break lower in 2026. Annual food inflation of 4.8% in October compares with 1.9% in the Eurozone. Readings were similar at the time of the October 2024 Budget, suggesting that most of the current wedge reflects policy effects. Average UK food inflation was below the Eurozone level over 2015-24.

Based on plausible core / food assumptions, and assuming a neutral Budget impact, annual headline CPI inflation could fall to c.2.25% by Q2 2026 (versus a Bank forecast of 2.9%), with a return to target during H2.

The UK primary fiscal balance is in sizeable deficit, while the effective interest rate on debt is above a trend level of nominal GDP growth consistent with the 2% inflation target. These conditions, if sustained, imply an explosive path for the debt to GDP ratio.

Central government interest payments in the 12 months to August were equivalent to 3.4% of the gross debt stock, according to the latest public finances release.

The Bank of England’s Asset Purchase Facility (APF), however, still owned about a fifth of the debt at the end of the period, so received a significant portion of these payments.

The Bank bought its gilts at much higher prices, so is earning an average interest rate of only 2.0% on the purchase cost of its holdings.

It financed its purchases by creating bank reserves on which it pays Bank rate, currently 4.0%.

Accounting for this carry cost of QE, which the Treasury is obliged to cover, the effective interest rate on government debt over the last 12 months was 4.0%.

This is unexceptional by historical standards but well above an average of 2.7% over 2010-19, when QE was delivering an interest gain – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing UK Average Interest Rate on Central Government Debt

Achievement of the 2% inflation target over the medium term implies nominal GDP growth of no more than about 3.5% pa, assuming trend economic expansion of about 1.5% pa. An effective interest rate above this level requires the government to run a primary surplus to avoid a trend rise in debt to GDP.

The OBR projected a significant decline in the primary deficit in 2025-26 but the 12-month rolling gap has continued to widen – chart 2. A worse starting position, policy retreats and expected changes to the OBR’s economic assumptions cast strong doubt on the previous forecast of a medium-term return to surplus.

Chart 2

Chart 2 showing UK Public Sector Primary Balance* (4q sum, % of GDP) *Total Balance minus Net Interest Payments

The effective interest rate is subject to conflicting influences and may remain above trend nominal GDP growth. Cuts in Bank rate and QT are reducing the APF net interest loss. On the other hand, the current redemption yield on the stock of gilts, of 4.6%, is well above the interest yield of 3.4% on the stock of debt. Unless the yield curve shifts down, the interest yield will trend higher as existing gilts mature and are refinanced.

The Chancellor’s fiscal rules place emphasis on the current budget but the primary balance is key for stabilising the debt to GDP ratio. Budget measures need to deliver an early return to a primary surplus to calm fears of a fiscal doom loop.

A measure of UK annual core CPI inflation excluding direct policy effects eased to 3.1% in August, 0.5 pp lower than a year earlier.

Published core inflation (i.e. excluding food, energy, alcohol and tobacco) of 3.6% was unchanged from August 2024. The wedge between the published and adjusted measures reflects the imposition of VAT on school fees, a bumper rise in water / sewerage changes and expensive changes to vehicle excise duty – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing UK Consumer Prices (% yoy)

The adjustment takes account only of direct policy effects, not indirect upward pressure from changes that have loaded additional costs on firms, including the national insurance raid and a double-inflation rise in the minimum wage. The February Monetary Policy Report suggested that the NI changes alone would push up annual core inflation by about 0.25 pp by now.

How should monetary policy respond to above-target inflation driven largely by government-determined prices / costs?

The monetarist recommendation, as always, is that policy-makers should aim for stable money growth at a rate consistent with trend economic growth and the inflation objective. Such an approach avoids accommodating cost-push pressures while minimising any loss of output.

The suggested range for UK broad money growth at present is 4-5% pa. Current annual growth, as measured by non-financial M4, is 3.7%. So the MPC should lower rates / slow QT despite policy-driven inflation.

The Bank of England’s QT programme has been fiscally expensive, is contributing to worrying monetary weakness and wasn’t required on operational grounds.

The Bank estimates that cumulative QT to date has raised 10-year gilt yields by 15-25 bp, up from 10-20 bp a year ago. Gross gilt issuance in 2025-26 is projected by the DMO at £299 bn. Assuming a 20 bp yield impact across the curve, the implied boost to the annual interest cost of the issued gilts is £600 mn.

To emphasise, this is a repeating cost locked in for the life of the securities.

QT started in February 2022. Gross gilt issuance in 2022-23, 2023-24 and 2024-25 combined was £686 bn. Assuming a smaller 15 bp yield impact of QT in those years, the implied extra interest cost on those gilts is £1.0 bn pa.

So the total boost to the interest bill to date could be £1.6 bn pa.

QT could continue through the end of 2026-27. It will have to stop when bank reserves, currently £674 bn, fall into the “preferred minimum range”, previously assessed by the Bank to lie between £345bn and £490bn. Reserves are being reduced by repayments under the term funding scheme as well as by QT. Still, QT could continue at its current pace for another 18 months before reserves reach the middle of the target range.

The yield boost, presumably, will persist at least until the flow of QT is halted. So there could be an additional QT interest bill of £500 mn pa from gilts issued in 2026-27, pushing the total above £2 bn pa.

QT involves the public sector selling additional gilts across the maturity spectrum to repay bank reserves, which earn Bank rate. With the curve disinverting, this currently involves a net interest loss, to be added to the numbers above.

Furthermore, active QT crystallises valuation losses, requiring additional gilt issuance to finance an increased Treasury grant to the Bank.

What were / are the justifications for QT to balance against these fiscal costs?

A “monetarist” argument is that QT was necessary to correct an “excess” stock of money left over from the 2020-21 fiscal / QE splurge.

However, annual broad money growth – as measured by non-financial M4 – had already fallen back to about 5% when QT began in early 2022, subsequently turning negative in 2023.

The previous monetary excess has by now passed fully into prices / activity (mostly the former). The ratio of broad money to nominal GDP has fallen below its end-2019 level and is further beneath its pre-pandemic trend (noted in the May and August Monetary Policy Reports).

Current money trends, moreover, are worryingly weak: non-financial M4 rose at a 3.0% annualised pace in the six months to June, below the 4-5% pa judged here to be consistent with medium-term achievement of the 2% inflation target. (This judgement assumes potential GDP expansion of c.1.5% pa and a 1% pa trend fall in velocity.)

An alternative debt management argument is that QT was / is necessary to reduce the sensitivity of government finances to future changes in Bank rate. According to this view, QE was a reckless policy because it dramatically shortened the maturity of public sector debt (by replacing gilt liabilities with bank reserves), resulting in enormous losses when Bank rate was subsequently raised significantly.

The issue is whether a desirable reduction in the future volatility of interest costs warrants incurring an additional fiscal loss now. It would, obviously, be preferable to undertake a maturity extension when gilts are in a bull market, not a grinding bear.

The Bank’s justification for QT is that a reduction in its balance sheet has been necessary to free up headroom to respond to future economic / financial emergencies. This is unconvincing for several reasons.

First, repayments under the term funding scheme have reduced the balance sheet significantly, with £80 bn of loans still outstanding – see chart 1.

Chart 1

Chart 1 showing UK BoE Balance Sheet (£ bn)

Secondly, the balance sheet would have shrunk considerably relative to nominal GDP and public sector debt even without QT. The asset purchase facility has fallen from 37% of GDP at end-2021 to 20% currently. It would be at 30% if the stock of asset purchases had been maintained at its maximum.

More importantly, the concept of “headroom” as applied to a central bank balance sheet is dubious, and the Bank was far from reaching any form of constraint even when the balance sheet was at its peak.

The maximum Bank share of the stock of gilts was 41%, compared with a 53% peak in the Bank of Japan’s share of outstanding JGBs. Should their holdings of government securities become excessive, central banks have unlimited capacity to lend against private collateral, with appropriate haircuts.

The QE / QT experience raises uncomfortable questions about Bank independence and accountability. Should the MPC attempt to balance monetary policy and operational goals against possible fiscal costs of its actions? If not, who bears responsibility when large losses are incurred?